Over at the Magnes Zionist, I posed the question (in the comments) of when we might expect to see the first Palestinian Prime Minister of Israel. My guess, rather generous to Israel, I think, is 2037. I view this as generous in light of the fact that Palestinians are politically marginalized as a matter of law and of practice to a degree far greater than that to which black people are politically marginalized in the US.
Those who are subjected to the Zionist propaganda that permeates Western culture, and don’t have or don’t use the requisite intellectual self-defense, could be forgiven for viewing the relationship between Israel and the Palestinians as analogous to the relationship between the US and black people. This analogy follows from the liberal Zionist script: Israel is a democracy, albeit an imperfect democracy that has a race problem, just like the United States; and just like the United States, things are getting better for Palestinians in Israel.
The analogy is wrong. The status of Palestinians in Israel is more like American blacks in the mid-1860′s, after slavery was ended but before the 14th Amendment guaranteed them equal rights. Palestinians are second-class citizens, subject to all kinds of laws, regulations and practices designed to marginalize and exclude them from political and civil life. Israel is an apartheid state by the standard of the United Nations’ Convention on Apartheid.
The greatest source of political marginalization is something virtually never noticed in the West, even by leftists. It is the fact that only a small fraction of Palestinians are treated as Israeli citizens. We get so used to treating Israel and Palestine as separate entities, that we forget that Palestinians, as the indigenous people of Palestine at the time of the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, are entitled to Israeli citizenship. That means all Palestinians – the residents of the Occupied Palestinian Territories and the refugees, as well as those living in Israel. The arbitrary, illegal and systematic denial of Israeli citizenship on a racial basis is the most important instrument of marginalization. (It also makes it clear that Israel is not a democracy – but that’s a subject for another day.)
But even if we only consider Palestinian citizens of Israel, the level of marginalization is extreme. To begin with, Palestinians are legally treated as second class citizens. As documented most extensively by Uri Davis, Israeli Palestinians are subjected to an array of laws and regulations in such areas as eligibility for citizenship, land use, and army service, with the overall effect of giving the benefit of the laws to Jews and not to Palestinians. Most importantly for political marginalization, Israel’s election rules permit the government to disqualify political parties that advocate racial equality from participating in elections.
Israel’s racial supremacy has significant differences from American racial supremacy. For one, Zionists are outnumbered by Palestinians in a way that white Americans are not (yet) outnumbered by minorities, and its policies are therefore more aimed at keeping the minority in political control, while in the US, racial policies, embodied in the police and prison systems, are focused on economic control. (Though restrictive immigration policy is more in line with the kind of demographic warfare that Israel wages.) Another important difference is that the US is committed formally to racial equality, while Israel is formally committed to racial supremacy. That’s why Israel has all kinds of laws on the books that would be immediately ruled unconstitutional in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment if enacted in the US.
There’s one Israeli racial practice that’s not a law but is very important for keeping Palestinians politically marginalized, and that is the cooperation among Jewish political parties to exclude Palestinian individuals and parties from positions of power. There has been some progress recently, with the first appointment of a Palestinian-Israeli, Ghaleb Majadele, to the Israeli cabinet about a year and a half ago. But one other historic practice continues unchanged: Jewish Israeli leaders will not rely on an Arab party to hold the balance of power in forming coalition governments. Israeli leader Tzipi Livni has repeated this practice of late. In other words, Jewish political leaders in Israel would rather suffer political defeat than give Arab parties too much political power. That’s some serious racial supremacy.
In summary, Israel has a ways to go before it is as racially tolerant as the US. I’m calling 2037 as the year that Arab Israelis break through the political barrier in part as an aspirational, rather than a predictive goal. Achieving this goal will not just require a major cultural change among Israeli Zionists towards greater tolerance, it may also require the elimination of some of the legal apparatus that is used to systematically keep the Palestinians politically marginalized.
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This post was written by Uri on November 10, 2008

The status of Palestinians in Israel is more like American blacks in the mid-1860’s, after slavery was ended but before the 14th Amendment guaranteed them equal rights.
I think a more apt analogy is the relationship between the US government and Native Americans around that time period. Similar citizenship issues, and a similar circumstances regarding invasion and land ownership.
i agree that’s a rather apt analogy. i’m not sure which is better… my issue with the indian analogy is that i think it was clear by that time that America would deal with the Indians through genocide, while Israel is not using genocide against the Palestinians.
Yeah, good point. The main thing for me is the different dynamics that happen when a group invades a land and oppresses its inhabitants, versus the dynamics of forcibly removing a people from their homeland to oppress them in your homeland.
Either way, though. : )